ISR Issue 60, JulyAugust 2008
The myth of
Lenin’s elitism
By Paul D’Amato
Paul D’Amato is the managing editor of the ISR.
WITH FEW exceptions,
Western historians have presented the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin
as an extreme elitist, if not an autocrat. This elitism, they argue, first
emerged in a work he published in 1902, What Is
to Be Done? (WITBD), which they present as the epitome of
“Leninism”—the work in which Lenin “finally and
explicitly forsook orthodox Marxism and identified himself as a Jacobin or
a Blanquist.”1 Recycling the same two or three quotations, and using a
framework established by Lenin’s contemporary Menshevik opponents,
most historians conclude that Lenin’s unique contribution to Marxism,
as expressed in WITBD, lies in his conception of revolutionary organization as a
top-down, tightly centralist, and highly conspiratorial party of
middle-class professional revolutionaries.2 The argument goes that Lenin’s elitism was based, to
quote the right-wing historian Richard Pipes, on the fact that he
“lost faith in the working class.”3
“[I]mplicit” in WITBD, writes Leopold H. Haimson, one of the founders of the
Lenin-as-elitist orthodoxy, “was not merely a lack of faith in the capacity of the labor
movement to grow to consciousness by its own resources, but also a basic
distrust in the ability of any man to outgrow his ‘spontaneous’
elemental impulses, and to act in accord with the dictates of his
‘consciousness’ without the guidance, and the restraint, of the
party and its organizations.”4 As historian Lars T. Lih summarizes, these arguments are
based on the idea that Lenin “feared the ‘spontaneous’
development of the workers’ movement” so much that “he
demanded that the workers’ movement be ‘diverted’ from
its natural course and be directed ‘from without’ by
non-workers, in fact, by bourgeois revolutionary intellectuals.”5
In his meticulously researched Lenin Rediscovered, Lih calls this
ubiquitous analysis the “textbook interpretation”6 of WITBD, and it is repeated almost
verbatim in text after text: “[T]he pamphlet [WITBD] declared a lack of faith in the
capacity of the proletariat as a class ever to attain that degree of
consciousness necessary for it to take a decisive part in the coming
revolutionary events without outside leadership”7; basic to Lenin’s
approach was a “distrust of the mass, a conviction that socialist
consciousness was given to few”8; and so on.
A handful of historians make a different argument.9 Lih, for example,
shows with painstaking detail in Lenin
Rediscovered that it was actually Lenin’s
opponents who
underestimated the consciousness of the working class, and that
Lenin’s writings in the Iskra period (1900–1903) are filled with arguments about how
the socialist movement was lagging behind the workers’ movement.
“No one, we think, has until now doubted that the strength of the
present-day movement lies in the awakening of the masses (principally, the
industrial proletariat),” Lenin writes in the second chapter,
“and that its weakness lies in the lack of consciousness and
initiative among the revolutionary leaders.”10 Neil Harding, in his
excellent book Lenin’s Political Thought,
makes a similar case to Lih’s:
It is argued that Lenin, during this period,
“lost faith” in the spontaneous mass movement, despaired of it
ever attaining socialist consciousness and concluded that the revolution
would have to be engineered by a professional elite. This interpretation
has the attraction of being simple and consistent with the Lenin-as-Jacobin
interpretation; it raises, however, considerable, indeed insuperable,
problems for any one who actually reads and attempts to make sense of
Lenin’s writings.11
Countless passages written by Lenin in this period,
which patently contradict the textbook version of Lenin’s views, are
simply ignored by historians. To the extent that Lenin is quoted at all, he
is quoted out of context. Yet, perhaps more than any other revolutionary,
Lenin’s works must be read with an eye to the conditions in which
they were written. Nigel Harris made the point many years ago:
Lenin’s What Is to
Be Done? has been the target of numerous
Western attacks, and many of them have not tried to understand what
Lenin’s slight pamphlet was a reply to even though this would put his
remarks in a different light. It is as if one day, seeing that it was
raining as I prepared to go out, I said, “I must wear a
macintosh,” and that by some mischance these words were recorded so
that some future archivist exploring the mysterious sect of Macintoshists
was able to assert authoritatively that “Harris was always in his
life a profound believer in the virtues of the macintosh; for example, he
said at one stage ‘I must wear a macintosh.’” The
parallel is not exact, but the point is true. Western commentators have
been as unscrupulous as Stalin in quoting Lenin out of context, devoid of
the questions to which he was formulating an answer.12
The Iskra period
What was the context in which Lenin wrote WITBD?
The first phase of the social-democratic movement, in
the early 1890s, had focused on recruiting handfuls of workers into
clandestine study circles. The movement was by necessity underground
because of the repressive nature of the autocracy. When the class struggle
began to heat up in the mid-1890s, mostly among textile workers, social
democrats, including Lenin, made a turn—generalized throughout the
movement by the publication of the widely circulated tract On Agitation—toward
agitation around workers’ immediate economic demands. At this stage,
the circles remained entirely local in orientation, organized independently
of each other, with no national organization or publications. Some of the
younger social democrats in this period began to overestimate the
importance of the economic struggle and to downplay the importance of
organizing the working class for a political struggle against the
autocracy. “When we took up agitation among the masses we were not
always able to restrain ourselves from going to the other extreme,”
Lenin subsequently explained. “The predominance of isolated
work,” he added, “is naturally connected with the predominance
of the economic struggle.”13
It was only a matter of time until efforts were made
to put a theoretical finish on this trend. In 1899, a tract called the Credo was circulated in
social-democratic circles. Written by E.D. Koskova, the document expressed
sympathy with the reformist gradualism of Eduard Bernstein in Germany and
argued that instead of fighting for revolution, Russian socialists should
strive “to reform present-day society on democratic lines adapted to
the present state of affairs, with the object of protecting the rights (all
rights) of the laboring classes in the most effective and fullest
way.”14
A classic statement of the economists’ view was
expressed in the newspaper Rabochy Mysl: “What sort of struggle is it desirable for the workers
to conduct? Isn’t the desirable struggle the only one which they are
able to conduct in present circumstances?”15 This statement was
nothing if not reminiscent of Bernstein’s statement that the movement
was “everything” and the final goal “nothing.” No
wonder Lenin and his co-thinkers considered economism the Russian variant
of Bernstein’s revisionism.
Lenin’s response to the publication of the Credo, which he wrote while he
was in Siberian exile (he had been arrested in 1895 and was released in the
summer of 1900), was swift. His article, signed by seventeen other exiled
socialists, argued, “The assertion that the Russian working class
‘has not yet put forward political aims’ simply reveals
ignorance of the Russian revolutionary movement.” Lenin wrote:
Apparently, the program of the authors of the Credo inclines to the idea that
the working class, following “the line of least resistance,”
should confine itself to the economic struggle, while the “liberal
opposition elements” fight, with the “participation” of
the Marxists, for “legal forms.” The application of such a
program would be tantamount to the political suicide of Russian
Social-Democracy, it would greatly retard and debase the Russian
working-class movement and the Russian revolutionary movement….16
If the working-class struggle is restricted to
economic battles, it will, Lenin argued, simply become the tail of other
parties and lose its independent role in the struggle against autocracy.
Not long after the emergence of economism, social
struggles began to take on a more political character, which gave urgency
to the ideological conflict over economic versus political struggle. The
student movement picked up steam, as did government repression against it.
Workers joined some of the student demonstrations. They also began
organizing May Day protests, including one that led to a general strike in
Kharkov in 1900. In Petersburg in May 1901, workers of the Obukhov defense
works engaged in running street battles with the police and Cossacks, then
barricaded themselves inside the plant. Thirty thousand students
participated in the general strike in the winter of 1901–02. In
Moscow, a demonstration called to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of
the ending of serfdom brought out thousands of workers who clashed with
Cossacks. A November 1902 railway strike in Rostov on Don turned into a
citywide general strike.17
After his release from Siberia, Lenin, along with
Julius Martov, Alexander Petrosov, and the old-guard exiled founders of
Russian Marxism—Georgi Plekhanov, Vera Zasulich, and Pavel
Axelrod—began publication of a newspaper, Iskra, around which they hoped to
rally all the scattered Russian social-democratic committees, not just
organizationally but politically—that is, around a rejection of
economism. “Our principal and fundamental task,” Lenin wrote in
the first issue of Iskra, “is to facilitate the political development and the
political organization of the working class. Those who push this task into
the background, who refuse to subordinate to it all the special tasks and
particular methods of struggle, are following a false path and causing
serious harm to the movement.” Lenin poured scorn on those who wanted
to “treat the workers to ‘politics’ only at exceptional
moments in their lives, only on festive occasions,” when the goal was
to raise the struggle for “partial concessions” to the level of
“a systematic, implacable struggle of a revolutionary, working-class
party against the autocracy.”18
Lenin put his case forward in various Iskra articles, culminating in WITBD. What were his main
points?
c First, he polemicizes
against forces in the movement who downplay the importance of political and
theoretical clarity as people who are really defending “eclecticism
and lack of principle”19; in particular, those who attempt to import reformism, or
fail to criticize it, in the movement under the guise of “freedom of
criticism.” Specifically, he attacks the newspaper Rabochaya Dyelo and its editor,
Krichevsky, for arguing that “the socialist movement in its entirety,
in all of its
diverse forms…including the most pronounced Bernsteinians, stands on
the basis of the class interests of the proletariat and its class struggle
for political and economic emancipation.”20
c Second, he attacks the
economists, represented chiefly by the newspaper Rabochaya Mysl, who wanted to limit
the working class to purely economic struggles, and thereby “convert
the nascent working-class movement into an appendage of the
liberals.”21 He criticizes those who, by applauding the economic struggle of
the working class (who “worship spontaneity”), drag along at
the tail of the movement rather than lead it forward. Rabochaya Mysl, for example, comes in
for particular criticism for arguing that the only desirable struggle for
workers is that “which they are actually waging at the present
time.”22
c Against the economists,
who have downplayed thereadiness of the working class to accept political
agitation and adopt political demands, he argues that “the strength
of the present-day movement lies in the awakening of the masses
(principally, the industrial proletariat) and that its weakness lies in the
lack of consciousness and initiative among the revolutionary
leaders.”23
c Lenin also makes a number
of practical proposals to overcome the scattered, parochial, and primitive
state of the socialist movement. The immediate task, he argued, was to
organize a national organization, based on core committees of professional
revolutionaries, around a central “All-Russian” newspaper which
could act as, in Lenin’s words, a collective organizer, propagandist,
and agitator to “raise revolutionary organization, discipline, and
the technique of underground work to the highest degree of
perfection.”24 Only a centralized political party, with a strong
political center, can build a working-class organization capable of
fulfilling its task of acting as the “vanguard” of the fight
against absolutism.
There are a number of ways in which WITBD is misrepresented, so that what
he presented as proposals adapted to peculiar conditions of the time are
interpreted as Lenin’s finished and permanent views on the questions
involved. For example, Lenin’s emphasis on better conspiratorial
methods at this time is presented as being a unique hallmark of
“Leninism.” This is incorrect. The conditions of tsarist police
repression required that all left-wing parties operate clandestinely. Lenin’s emphasis at the
time on developing full-time revolutionaries well-trained in evading the
police was a response to the decentralized and “primitive”
character of the socialist movement in Russia—which did not yet
function as a coherent national movement, let alone a national political
party. Lenin wanted to end this state of affairs by training a cadre of
full-timers who were expert at evading police detection and arrest. This
was an urgent question. The average life of a local revolutionary committee
before police broke it up was two months, only to be reformed by people who
often had little or no knowledge of the committee that existed before them.
The movement lacked continuity and cohesion.
It is argued that Lenin wanted to form an organization
consisting solely of
professional revolutionaries. This is also incorrect. Lenin’s idea
was that the party should have an illegal, underground apparatus consisting
at its core of committees of full-time revolutionaries, but around it would
be layers of party members who were not. “It should not be imagined
that Party organizations must consist solely of professional
revolutionaries,” Lenin remarked at the 1903 Party Congress.
“We need the most diverse organizations of all types, ranks and
shades, beginning with extremely limited and secret and ending with very
broad, free, loose Organization.”25 Hal Draper argues that by “professional
revolutionary” Lenin in any case did not even mean a full-time party
functionary, but merely “a party activist who devoted most
(preferably all) of his spare time to revolutionary work.”26
Lenin also never conceived of the underground party
committees as consisting only of intellectuals. “[T]he spontaneously
awakening masses will also produce increasing numbers of ‘professional
revolutionaries’ from their own ranks (that is, if we do not take it into our heads to advise the
workers to keep on marking time.)”27 A few years later, in 1904, Lenin wrote to a worker,
“We should particularly see to it that as many workers as possible
become fully class-conscious and professional revolutionaries and members
of the committee…. The committees should…include, as far as
possible, all the principal leaders of the working-class movement from among the workers
themselves.”28
If we skip ahead to 1905, the official line on Lenin
becomes even more untenable. There we find him castigating the Bolshevik
“committeemen”—that is, the full-timers, caught
flat-footed by the revolutionary ferment—for their conservative
resistance to bringing workers into the party committees. In a speech at
the party’s Third Congress, held in April 1905, he argued, “In
my writings for the press I have long urged that as many workers as
possible should be placed on the committees. The period since the second
congress has been marked by inadequate attention to this duty—such is
the impression I have received from my talks with comrades engaged in
practical party work…. The inertness of the committeemen will have to
be overcome.”29
Months later, after things had shifted in a more
favorable direction, Lenin argued: “At the Third Congress of the
party I suggested that there be about eight workers to every two
intellectuals in the party committees. How obsolete that suggestion seems
today! Now we must wish for the party organizations to have one
social-democratic intellectual to several hundred social-democratic
workers.”30
Draper acknowledges that Lenin was sometimes
misinterpreted by his contemporaries because he emphasized one side of an
argument and not another to drive a point home; emphasizing, for example,
the need for tight-knit organization of full-timers in 1902, and for
opening up the party to mass recruitment and new leadership in 1905.
“An objective scholar writing today with the advantage of a longer
perspective and fuller documentation should be expected, however, to set
forth and weigh Lenin’s repeated attempts to clarify and modify
(qualify and recast) his views. What is typical about contemporary
Leninology is that it ignores Lenin’s clarifications in favor of a
purely demonological exegesis.”31
The idea that Lenin always favored undemocratic forms
of organization is also false. WITBD argues that under conditions of political freedom, Russian
socialists would favor democratic forms of party organization. “[W]e
Bolsheviks,” he argued in 1905, when the party did indeed adopt
democratic methods, “have always recognized that in new conditions,
when political liberties were acquired, it would be essential to adopt the
elective principle.”32 Lenin merely argued that under current (1902) conditions
open democratic forms would “facilitate the work of the police in
carrying out large-scale raids.”33 Historian Moira Donald writes astutely that
There is no evidence to justify the assertion that
Lenin during this so-called formative period of Bolshevism rejected the
democratic element in the Marxist tradition. Throughout What Is to Be Done? Lenin stresses the
importance of both the democratic model and the struggle for democracy in
Russia. However, he argued that given the contemporary political climate in
Russia it was not always possible for the individual or the party to act
according to the ideal; that undemocratic conditions imposed restraints,
even on those committed to democratic goals.34
Both Donald and Lih make an important point against
the Lenin detractors who try to portray WITBD as a departure from the orthodox Marxism of the
times—a line of argument in keeping with the mistaken idea that WITBD represents
Leninism’s founding document. They both show convincingly that Lenin
considered his views to be the adaptation of the German Social Democratic
Party (SPD) model to Russian conditions. “Far from rejecting the
model of German Social Democracy at the time,” writes Donald,
Lenin remained a faithful disciple of the SPD,
searching constantly for parallels between the history of that party and
his own…. Indeed, if any criticism can be leveled at Lenin with
regard to his view of the German party during these years, it is that for
an orthodox Marxist and a revolutionary he had rather too rosy a view of
the SPD, and, in particular, that he underestimated the influence of
Bernstein within the party.35
The famous passages in WITBD
Lenin’s conception of the party, his critics
argue, derived from Lenin’s belief, as we have already noted, that
the working class “spontaneously” cannot achieve socialist
consciousness without the guidance of bourgeois intellectuals. A corollary
to this is that Lenin somehow “opposed” conscious leadership to
“spontaneous” movements. Two passages in WITBD in particular are cited to
bolster this claim:
The history of all countries shows that the working
class, exclusively by its own effort, is able to develop only trade union
consciousness, i.e., the conviction that it is necessary to combine in
unions, fight the employers, and strive to compel the government to pass
necessary labor legislation, etc. The theory of socialism, however, grew
out of the philosophic, historical, and economic theories elaborated by
educated representatives of the propertied classes, by intellectuals.36
The task of Social Democracy is to combat spontaneity, to divert the
working-class movement from this spontaneous, trade-unionist striving to
come under the wing of the bourgeoisie, and to bring it under the wing of
revolutionary Social Democracy.37
Lenin borrowed the first passage from an essay by the
leading German Marxist Karl Kautsky, an essay he also quotes directly,38 having just
finished reading Kautsky’s article when he was preparing WITBD. Practically every
historian when they get to this point in the narrative considers these
passages to be Lenin’s major theoretical break in WITDB, where he expresses his
“lack of faith” in the working class. None of them, however,
seem to understand the irony of the fact that Lenin’s alleged
“break” from orthodoxy derives from an impeccably orthodox
source, that is, from the chief theoretical spokesman of Second
International orthodoxy. They get around this sticky problem by simply
ignoring it.39
Taken by itself and out of context, these statements
could be read as elitist: workers cannot achieve socialist consciousness
without the guidance of bourgeois intellectuals. But Lenin never again uses
these formulations (and had not used them before). In spite of that, it has
been elevated to Lenin’s most definitive statement on
class-consciousness and class struggle.
On one level, Lenin’s paraphrasing of Kautsky
merely states a factual point that was certainly true for Russia. A
delegate to the Third Congress in 1903, Gorin, explained during the debate
over WITBD,
What we have said relates to a fact, and does not
express any social philosophy or conception of history. We have simply said
that that Russian Social Democracy was first of all merely an imported
doctrine, which antedated the rise of the labor movement in Russia. But
Russian Social-Democracy did not fall from heaven. Having arisen as a
populist doctrine along with other Russian revolutionary doctrines, it
assumed Social-Democratic form under the pressure of the West-European
labor movement and West-European scientific socialism, and only later did
Russian Social-Democracy link itself practically with the Russian labor
movement.40
Virtually every revolutionary acknowledged as a fact that Marxism in Russia
first attracted the intelligentsia, who then set about introducing
socialist ideas to the Russian working class. It never occurred to any of
them, least of all Lenin, that this temporary state of affairs should
become permanent—that is, that intellectuals should lead the working
class. In one of his first lengthy political writings, “What the
friends of the people are and how they fight the social democrats,” written in 1894, Lenin writes,
“There can be no sectarianism when the task is that of promoting the
organization of the proletariat, and when, therefore, the role of the
‘intelligentsia’ is to make special leaders from among the
intelligentsia unnecessary.”41
Moreover, as Hal Draper points out in his essay on WITBD, Lenin qualifies, if not
completely negates, Kautsky’s analysis in an important footnote:
This does not mean, of course, that the workers have
no part in creating such an ideology. They take
part, however, not as workers, but as socialist theoreticians, as Proudhons
and Weitlings; in other words, they take part only when they are able, and
to the extent that they are able, more or less, to acquire the knowledge of
their age and develop that knowledge. But in order that working men may succeed in this more often,
every effort must be made to raise the level of the consciousness of the
workers in general; it is necessary that the workers do not confine
themselves to the artificially restricted limits of “literature for workers”
but that they learn to an increasing degree to master general literature. It would be even
truer to say “are not confined,” instead of “do not
confine themselves,” because the workers themselves wish to read and
do read all that is written for the intelligentsia, and only a few (bad)
intellectuals believe that it is enough “for workers” to be
told a few things about factory conditions and to have repeated to them
over and over again what has long been known.42
Lenin’s whole thrust is to argue that the
working class is ready to absorb socialist theory enthusiastically, and is only
prevented by intellectuals who wish to restrict the working class to purely
economic issues. Later in the same book, Lenin qualifies the point still
further, arguing that in fact the working class does indeed gravitate toward
socialist consciousness, but that it does not do so in an ideological
vacuum:
It is often said that the working class spontaneously gravitates towards
socialism. This is perfectly true in the sense that socialist theory
reveals the causes of the misery of the working class more profoundly and
more correctly than any other theory, and for that reason the workers are
able to assimilate it so easily…. The working class spontaneously
gravitates towards socialism; nevertheless, most widespread (and
continuously and diversely revived) bourgeois ideology spontaneously
imposes itself upon the working class to a still greater degree.43
Workers do spontaneously gravitate toward socialism;
but they are influenced even more by bourgeois ideology. It is precisely
this contradiction that necessitates the organization of a political party
of the class. Revolution is not automatic unless it is organized and fought
for; those sections of the class that do spontaneously gravitate toward
socialist politics before others must be organized together to exercise
more influence over their fellow workers who are still influenced more by
bourgeois ideology.
Later still, Lenin redefines what he means by bringing class consciousness to the
working class “from without.” Now Lenin moves away from the
Kautsky formulation—that socialism is first introduced from outside
the working class by intellectuals—to say that socialist
consciousness can only develop among workers if their horizons are raised
beyond the relations of worker to employer inside the workplace:
The economic struggle merely “impels” the
workers to realize the government’s attitude towards the working
class. Consequently, however much we may try to “lend the economic struggle itself a political
character,” we shall never be able to develop the political consciousness of the workers (to
the level of Social-Democratic political consciousness) by keeping within
the framework of the economic struggle, for that
framework is too narrow…
Class political consciousness can be brought to the
workers only from without, that is, only from outside the economic struggle, from outside
the sphere of relations between workers and employers. The sphere from
which alone it is possible to obtain this knowledge is the sphere of
relationships of all classes and strata to the state and the government, the sphere of
the interrelations between all classes.44
To paraphrase another passage in WITBD, working-class consciousness can
only be fully socialist consciousness if the working class is trained to
respond to all forms of oppression and tyranny, no matter what class or
group is affected, including those that fall outside the sphere of the
workplace: attacks on students; pogroms against Jews; suppression of
language rights; oppression of national minorities and women; and so on.45 Without such
consciousness, the working class can never lead the political struggle
against tsarism and for socialism. This, of course, did not mean that Lenin
believed that the class struggle between workers and the bosses did not
impel workers toward socialist consciousness. He had written only a few
years previously, in “On strikes,” (after he had already begun to attack economism) precisely that “every strike
brings thoughts of socialism very forcibly to the worker’s mind,
thoughts of the struggle of the entire working class for emancipation from
the oppression of capital.”46
After the outbreak of the 1905 Revolution,
Lenin’s arguments against any vestiges of conservatism in the party
prompted him to put even more emphasis on the way struggle was moving
workers toward socialist consciousness. Even then, however, Lenin stresses
the dialectical relationship between the role of conscious leaders and the
“spontaneous” strivings of workers toward socialism. “The
working-class is instinctively, spontaneously Social-Democratic, and more
than ten years of work put in by Social-Democracy has done a great deal to
transform this spontaneity into consciousness.”47
It was not Lenin but the economists who argued that
workers were not yet “ready” for political struggle or
agitation. In 1899, for example, the Kiev committee wrote that they did
“not believe it possible at the present time to turn to the mass of
the workers and call on them to take political action, in other words, it
does not believe it possible to carry on political agitation, because the Russian workers have not, in the
mass, attained the maturity for political struggle.” Lenin responded
in the following way: “The Russian workers have, in the mass, not
only attained maturity for political struggle, but they have on many
occasions demonstrated it by engaging in acts of political struggle, often
even spontaneously.”48
When these arguments of Lenin’s are combined
with Lenin’s later argument in One Step
Forward, Two Steps Back (his 1904 assessment of
the 1903 party split) on the uneven consciousness of the working class
(“Precisely because there are differences in degree of consciousness
and degree of activity, a distinction must be made in degree of proximity
to the Party”49), the argument looks like this: The working class strives
toward socialist consciousness, but the influence of ruling, bourgeois
ideas acts as a powerful, counteracting influence; this results in
different degrees of consciousness, and consequently, necessitates the role
of a party of the most class-conscious workers to raise the level of
consciousness of the class as a whole. Anyone who denigrates this role aids
the bourgeoisie in its efforts to confuse and divide the working-class,
thereby reducing it to a supporting rather than a leading role in the
struggle against the autocracy. The “vanguard” was not a body
standing above or outside the class, but constituted its most conscious and
organized part.
These ideas about the relation between party and class
were not unique to Lenin, but were also held by others. “The entire
working class is one thing,” wrote Plekhanov in 1901, “and the Social Democratic Party is
another, for it forms only a column drawn from the working-class—and
at first a very small column…. I think that the political struggle
must immediately be started by our Party which represents the advance
guard of the proletariat, its most conscious
and revolutionary stratum.”50 In the 1903 debate at the Second Congress, the delegate
Karsky rose to defend WITBD from criticism51 with this formulation:
Comrade Akimov considers the Party must not be placed
above the working class. This way of posting the question seems to me both
incorrect and out of place. From out of the working class there emerges a
militant, conscious force, the Party, which is the bearer and promoter of
socialist ideals, and, as such, the Party cannot but stand higher than
“the working class,” since the conscious part of this class is
the leader of the unconscious or inadequately conscious part.52
Loss of faith in the working class
What Lenin’s arguments in WITBD clearly did not represent was Lenin’s
“loss of faith” in the working class. Quite the contrary, Lenin
was attempting to argue against those socialists who belittled the
conscious role of organized socialists precisely at the time when the
working class movement was beginning to stir and more and more workers were
gravitating to socialist ideas. Lenin’s purpose in making this
argument was to insist on the party’s role in accelerating and
advancing the political consciousness of the working class rather than
merely tailing behind it—hence his arguments against
“worshipping spontaneity” were not arguments against spontaneity, but against
thinking that all socialists had to do was applaud it. The key question at
the time, as Lenin framed it, was that the advance of the working class
movement was outstripping the growth and cohesion of revolutionary
organizations. Lenin therefore hammered away at “the lag of the leaders
(‘ideologists,’ revolutionaries, Social-Democrats) behind the spontaneous upsurge of the masses.”53
As for Lenin’s statement about the need to
“divert” the workers’ movement from its spontaneous path,
Lih makes a very convincing argument that this was more a rhetorical turn
of phrase based on a response to formulations made by Lenin’s
opponents.54 In 1901, Lenin wrote an article, “A talk with defenders of
economism,” in which he reproduced in full a letter critical of Iskra on a number of counts. The
letter’s thrust was that Iskra exaggerated the role of socialist leadership and
organization, and underplayed the role of material factors:
At the same time, Iskra gives too little consideration to the material elements and
the material environment of the movement, whose interaction creates a
definite type of labor movement and determines its path, the path from
which the ideologists, despite all their efforts, are incapable of diverting it, even if
they are inspired by the finest theories and programs.55
Lenin attacked this as being a completely passive,
deterministic formulation; in his judgment it underestimated the role of conscious
organization in determining the shape of the workers’ movement. He
wrote, “To say, however, that ideologists (i.e., politically
conscious leaders) cannot divert the movement from the path determined by
the interaction of environment and elements is to ignore the simple truth
that the conscious element participates in this interaction and in the determination of the
path.”56 To Iskra’s opponents who made the argument that socialists could not
“divert” the workers’ movement from its
“natural” path, Lenin responded: Yes, we can and must
“divert” it, because the organized socialists are not simply
passive onlookers observing something over which they have no influence,
but are one of the determining elements shaping that path.
In this same article, Lenin makes clear that his
argument about the current tasks of Social Democrats flows not from a
rejection of the “spontaneous” struggle, but from an
appreciation that the workers’ movement has advanced by leaps and
bounds while the Social Democrats have lagged behind:
It is a fact that the spontaneous awakening of the
masses of the workers and (due to their influence) of other social strata
has been taking place with astonishing rapidity during the past few years.
The “material elements” of the movement have grown enormously
even as compared with 1898, but the conscious
leaders (the Social-Democrats) lag behind this growth.57
Worse, argued Lenin, there were now people in the
socialist movement who wanted to theoretically justify this lag:
But since the end of 1897, particularly since the
autumn of 1898, there have come forward in the Russian Social-Democratic
movement individuals and periodicals that not only close their eyes to this
drawback, but that have declared it to be a special virtue, that have
elevated the worship of, and servility towards, spontaneity to the dignity
of a theory and are preaching that Social-Democrats must not march ahead of
the movement, but should drag along at the
tail-end.58
As we can see, it is pure mythmaking to say that Lenin
looked with suspicion and hostility upon spontaneous struggles of the
working class. The alleged proof is that Lenin calls upon socialists to
“combat spontaneity.” But Lenin uses this formulation merely as a rhetorical
device against the economists who are, he argues, worshipping the
“spontaneous” struggle of the working class instead of trying
to lead it further. What he means is that the socialists must combat
spontaneist theories in the movement, that is, the idea that workers will
spontaneously evolve toward socialism without socialist leadership.
It seems that we are now passing through a period in
which our working-class movement is once more about to engage with
irresistible force in the sharp conflicts that terrify the government and
the propertied classes and bring joy and encouragement to socialists.59
[T]he principal source that sustains revolutionary
Social-Democracy is the spirit of protest among the working class which, in
view of the violence and oppression surrounding the workers, is bound to
manifest itself from time to time in the form of desperate outbursts. These
outbursts arouse to conscious life the widest sections of the workers,
oppressed by poverty and ignorance, and stimulate in them a noble hatred
for the oppressors and enemies of liberty.60
Lenin “rejoices” at the outbursts of
working-class struggle because they will bring about the awakening of the
working class; clearly he does not erect a wall between the two, but sees
“spontaneity” in dialectical relationship with consciousness
and organization; the two nourish and interact with each other.
Many more passages from this period, written prior to WITBD, show that Lenin was
neither hostile to
“spontaneous” struggle (he welcomed every leap forward of the
class struggle) nor doubtful about workers’ capacity for
class-consciousness. In fact, he is positively brimming with confidence in
the Russian working class. “The awakening of the Russian working
class,” he wrote in 1897, “its spontaneous striving for
knowledge, organization, socialism, for the struggle against its exploiters
and oppressors becomes more widespread, more strikingly apparent every
day.”61 And he wrote in 1899, “There is to be observed among the
working youth an impassioned, uncontrollable enthusiasm for the ideas of
democracy and socialism.”62 Lenin is only concerned that this enthusiasm and
passion is not frittered away, but organized into an effective, centralized
force; a well-organized party with a professional underground apparatus
that is hard for the police to uproot. Again he writes in the same year:
Not a single class in history has achieved power
without producing its political leaders, its prominent representatives able
to organize a movement and lead it. And the Russian working class has
already shown that it can produce such men and women. The struggle which
has developed so widely during the past five or six years has revealed the
great potential revolutionary power of the working class; it has shown that
the most ruthless government persecution does not diminish, but, on the
contrary, increases the number of workers who strive towards socialism,
towards political consciousness, and towards the political struggle.63
Many of Lenin’s ideas in this period reflect the
thinking of orthodox Marxists of the time; including those of Kautsky.
Lenin’s concept of the hegemony of the working class in the coming
revolution against absolutism was developed by the Russian Marxist
movement’s founders Plekhanov and Axelrod. It fell to Lenin merely to
consistently apply that theory in practice.64
But despite Lenin’s strong identification with
Kautsky and German social democracy, there was something different about Lenin’s writings in the Iskra period compared to his
European socialist contemporaries. What was unique was the way in which
Lenin explored the organizational implications of political
questions—something Luxemburg and Trotsky did only much later. As
Donald points out, his approach was innovative.
Lenin devoted attention to, and discussed as a problem
of theory, questions which had not been previously regarded as worthy of
attention from Marxist theorists…. What
Is to Be Done? merged Marxist theory and Social
Democratic practice in a way that was only intended for Russian
conditions…. Lenin succeeded in elevating the question of party
organization to the plane of Marxist theory in a way which was not
understood by Kautsky or by other contemporary theoreticians…. The
importance of this development was not appreciated until certain elements
in Lenin’s organization framework became points of controversy in the
conflicts which split the party at its Second Congress in 1903.65
Conclusion
Lenin’s basic approach to the period from when
he first became a Marxist in the early 1890s leading up to the 1905
Revolution is summed up in one of his earliest published articles, written
in 1894:
The political activity of the Social-Democrats lies in
promoting the development and organization of the working-class movement in
Russia, in transforming this movement from its present state of sporadic
attempts at protest, “riots” and strikes devoid of a guiding
idea, into an organized struggle of the WHOLE Russian working CLASS
directed against the bourgeois regime and working for the expropriation of
the expropriators and the abolition of the social system based on the
oppression of the working people. Underlying these activities is the common
conviction of Marxists that the Russian worker is the sole and natural
representative of Russia’s entire working and exploited population.66
WITBD does not represent a
break from these views but a sharp polemical defense of them—a
defense he makes in very specific circumstances, against very specific
opponents. Lenin himself confirms that WITBD, which historians wrongly present as some mythical finished
Leninism, contained polemical exaggerations fitted to a particular fight.
During the 1903 Second Congress, he argued against criticisms leveled at
the famous passages in WITBD, saying, “Obviously, an episode in the struggle against
economism has here been confused with a principled presentation of a major
theoretical question.”67
In 1907, in an introduction to a reprint of his
writings, which included a slightly abridged version of WITBD (the party subsequently never
republished it again until many years after 1917), Lenin made a similar argument.
“The basic mistake made by those who now criticize What Is to Be Done?,” he wrote
in retrospect, “is to treat the pamphlet apart from its connection
with the concrete historical situation of a definite, and now long past,
period in the development of our Party.”68 Those who now say that the pamphlet exaggerated the
importance of building an organization of professional revolutionaries, he
says, fail to understand that it was an argument that at the time had to be
fought for and won: “[T]oday the idea of an organization of professional revolutionaries
has already scored
a complete victory. That victory would have been impossible if this idea
had not been pushed to the forefront at the time, if we had not ‘exaggerated’ so as
to drive it home to people who were trying to prevent it from being
realized.”69 Of course, he added, the emphasis on building an organization of
professional revolutionaries was meaningless “apart from its
connection with the ‘genuine revolutionary class that is
spontaneously rising to struggle.’”70
At the same time, Lenin admits that the immaturity of
the movement meant that the debate among the exiled Social Democrats was
sometimes “destructive,” and had “many unattractive
features.”71 He also acknowledges that he did not always use the best
formulations in WITBD. After breaking with Lenin in 1904, Plekhanov declared that he
differed with Lenin on the relationship between “spontaneity and
political consciousness.” Lenin brushes this criticism aside, saying
that it is “based on phrases torn out of context, on particular expressions which I had not quite adroitly or
precisely formulated, adding that there was,
however, general agreement among the Iskra editors over the “general content and the whole spirit
of my pamphlet What Is to Be Done?”72
And as if to answer those who later came along and
attempted to transform this pamphlet into the founding document of
Leninism, he writes:
Nor at the Second Congress did I have any intention of
elevating my own formulations, as given in What
Is to Be Done?, to “programmatic”
level, constituting special principles. On the contrary, the expression I
used—and it has since been frequently quoted—was that the
Economists had gone to one extreme. What Is to
Be Done?, I said, straightens out what had been
twisted by the Economists... The meaning of these words is clear enough: What Is to Be Done? is a
controversial correction of Economist distortions and it would be wrong to
regard the pamphlet in any other light.73
Lenin was fundamentally anti-elitist—not in the
sense of anarchists who simply deny the necessity of leadership in
struggle, but in the sense of grasping that leadership is a product of the
uneven development of consciousness and activity in the working class, and
that its task is to raise the level of
consciousness and initiative of all workers. The
late British Marxist Duncan Hallas wrote:
It is clear that any substantial revolutionary
socialist party is necessarily, in one sense, a “vanguard.”
But there is no substance in the argument that the
concept is elitist. The essence of elitism is the assertion that the
observable differences in abilities, consciousness and experience are
rooted in unalterable genetic or social conditions and that the mass of the
people are incapable of self-government now or in the future. Rejection of
the elitist position implies that the observed differences are wholly or
partly attributable to causes that can be changed. It does not mean denial
of the differences themselves.... 74
Almost every analysis of Lenin takes WITBD and considers it to
be not only the “founding document” of Leninism, but the
finished and final form of Lenin’s thought. This is true not only of
Cold War Western historians but also of the Stalinist hagiographical
version of Lenin. Yet Lenin’s ideas must be seen in their development
and also in their proper context. Lenin’s arguments at any particular
moment were geared in a very practical way to what he considered to be the
most important “link in the chain”—the thing that had to
be done now in order to reach the next task for the movement. More than
that, however, Lenin’s ideas evolved: he learned from the struggle
and his Marxism was shaped by it.
Lenin’s views on the state, on the bourgeois
nature of the Russian Revolution, on the peasant question, on imperialism,
and on the party, all shifted and changed based on lessons learned directly
from the course of struggle and from developments in international
capitalism and the international socialist movement. While it can be said
that his more mature conceptions of the relationship of the party and class
were expressed in embryo in the period we are discussing here, it cannot be
said that the Iskra period represents Lenin’s first and last word on party
organization. This, however, should not detract from the very lasting and
valuable contributions that Lenin made to Marxism in this period. Too often
socialists write off the Iskra period, and particularly WITBD, when what is necessary is to distinguish what was
historically contingent and what is more generally relevant for Marxists
everywhere. It is in this light that What Is to
Be Done? should be revisited and reread by
socialists.
1 Neil Harding, Lenin’s
Political Thought: Theory and Practice in the Democratic and Socialist
Revolutions (New York: Humanities Press,
1983), 135. Harding’s book, which is actually critical of the
“Lenin as elitist” thesis, is one of the best academic books on
Lenin’s theory and practice. Unfortunately it is out of print.
2 “The academic historians who laid the basis
of the textbook interpretation constituted the first generation in postwar
Soviet studies: Leopold Haimson, Alfred G. Meyer, Adam Ulam, Leonard
Schapiro, John Keep, Samuel Baron, Allan Wildman, Israel Getzler, Abraham
Ascher, Richard Pipes, Jonathan Frankel.” Lars T. Lih, Lenin Rediscovered: What Is to
Be Done? in Context (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2008), 14. Lih also performs a useful exegesis of the genesis of
this “Lenin as elitist” formula in his article, “How a
founding document was found, or one hundred years of Lenin’s What Is to Be Done?,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4, no. 1 (2003): 5–49.
3 Richard Pipes interviewed on PBS, “Heaven on
Earth: The rise and fall of socialism,” June 2005, http:
//www.pbs.org/heavenonearth/interviews_pipes.html.
4 Leopold H. Haimson, The
Russian Marxists and the Origins of Bolshevism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), 138–39. (First published 1955
by Harvard University Press). Haimson attributes Lenin’s
“deep-seated fear” of the “unrestrained expression”
of “human passions” to the fact that he was “fearful of
his own emotions.” Most of these historians also describe Lenin as
weak theoretically but tactically brilliant, a man who opportunistically
adapted theory after the fact to justify whatever step he wished to take.
See Harding, Lenin’s Political Thought, 1.
5 Lih, Lenin
Rediscovered, 15. Lih has made his own
translation of WITBD at the end of his book. He notes that the Russian world stikhiinost is translated
as “spontaneous,” whereas “elemental” is a better
translation. This makes it clear that when Lenin talked about
“spontaneity,” he was not referring to struggles without
conscious leadership, but struggles with a rudimentary level of
organization and consciousness.
6 Lih, Lenin Rediscovered, 13.
7 Abraham Ascher, Pavel
Axelrod and the Development of Menshevism (Boston:
Harvard University Press, 1972), 177–79.
8 Samuel H. Baron quoted in Lih, Lenin Rediscovered, 34.
9 Lih, Lenin
Rediscovered; Harding, Lenin’s Political Thought; Moira
Donald, Marxism and Revolution: Karl Kautsky
and the Russia Marxists, 1900–1924 (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
10 V. I. Lenin, What Is
To Be Done? (WITBD) in Collected Works (CW), Vol. 5 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1977),
373.
11 Harding, Lenin’s
Political Thought, 156–57.
12 Nigel Harris, Beliefs
in Society (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin
Books, 1968), 54.
13 Lenin, “Urgent tasks of our movement,”
CW, Vol. 4, 367.
14 Quoted in Lenin, “A protest by Russian
social democrats,” CW, Vol.4, 173–74.
15 Quoted in Harding, Lenin’s
Political Thought, 150.
16 Ibid., 178–79.
17 Tony Cliff, Lenin:
Building the Party (Chicago: Haymarket Books,
2005), 82–84.
18 Lenin, “The urgent tasks of our
movement,” CW,
Vol. 4, 369.
19 WITBD, 369.
20 Ibid., 356.
21 Ibid., 363
22 Ibid., 367.
23 What Is to Be Done?, chapter 2, first paragraph, http:
//www.marxists.org/archive/Lenin/works/1901/witb/ii.htm.
24 Lenin, “An urgent question,” CW, Vol. 4, 222.
25 Lenin, “First speech in the discussion on
party rules,” CW, Vol. 6, 498.
26 Hal Draper, “The myth of Lenin’s
concept of the party, or, What they did to What
Is To Be Done?,” http:
//www.marxists.org/archive/draper/1990/myth/myth.htm.
27 Lenin, WITBD, 451.
28 Lenin, “Letter to a comrade on our
organizational tasks,” CW, Vol. 6, 235.
29 Lenin, “Speech on the question of the
relations between workers and intellectuals within the social-democratic
organization,” CW, Vol. 8, 407.
30 Lenin, “The reorganization of the
party,” CW,
Vol. 10, 36.
31 Draper, “The myth of Lenin’s concept
of the party, or what they did to What Is to Be
Done?”
32 Lenin, “The reorganization of the
party,” 30.
33 Lenin, WITBD, 479.
34 Donald, Marxism and
Revolution, 35.
35 Ibid., 27. In WITDB, Lenin makes explicit reference to the idea that the
Russians are, in their own way, attempting to implement the SPD’s
Erfurt program.
36 Lenin, WITBD, 375.
37 Ibid., 384–85.
38 See Ibid., 383–84.
39 What is also ignored or skirted around is the fact
that virtually none of Lenin’s supporters at the time, including
those who broke with him in 1903, seems to have discovered Lenin’s
profound break. “Axelrod’s failure to repudiate these elitist
views publicly in 1902 are not easy to explain,” writes Abraham
Ascher. He gets around this uncomfortable fact with pure speculation:
“But probably the most important reason for Axelrod’s failure
to speak more forcefully was his fear of destroying the unity” of the
Iskra group.
Ascher, Pavel Axelrod and the Development of
Menshevism, 178–79.
40 Brian Pierce, 1903:
Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Tran. and annotated (London: New Park, 1978), 166.
41 Lenin, “What the friends of the people are
and how they fight the social-democrats,” CW, Vol. 1, 298.
42 Ibid., 384.
43 Ibid., 386.
44 Lenin, WITBD, 422.
45 See ibid., 423.
46 Lenin, “On strikes,” CW, Vol. 4, 315.
47 Lenin, “The reorganization of the
party,” 32.
48 Lenin, “Apropos of the Profession de Foi,” CW, Vol. 4, 289.
49 Lenin, One Step
Forward, Two Steps Back, CW, Vol. 7, 258.
50 Quoted in Jonathan Frankel, ed., Vladimir Akimov on the Dilemmas of Russian Marxism (London: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 47.
51 The criticism came from A.S. Martynov, who later
became a Menshevik. He cites the famous “from without” passage
to show that Lenin had departed from orthodoxy. This critique, which none
of the Iskra supporters
at the time agreed with, became the foundation of the Lenin-as-elitist
analysis.
52 1903: Second Congress
of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party,
162–63.
53 Lenin, WITBD, 446.
54 See Lih, Lenin
Rediscovered, 346–53.
55 Lenin, “A talk with defenders of
economism,” CW, Vol. 5, 313. My emphasis.
56 Ibid., 316.
57 Ibid.
58 Ibid., 317.
59 Lenin, “Another massacre,” CW, Vol. 5, 25.
60 Ibid., 25–26.
61 Lenin, “The tasks of the Russian social
democrats,” 346.
62 Lenin, “An urgent question,” 223.
63 Lenin, “Urgent tasks of our movement,”
370.
64 “The revolutionary movement in Russia can
triumph only as the revolutionary movement of the workers. There is not and
cannot be any other way out for us!” George Plekhanov, “Speech
at the International Workers’ Socialist Congress in
Paris,” July 14–21, 1889, http:
//www.marxists.org/archive/plekhanov/1889/07/speech.html. I say
consistently because Plekhanov and Pavel Axelrod were also both ambivalent
about the role of the bourgeoisie in the coming revolution, and some of
their earliest formulations also gave fuel to the later development of the
Menshevik conception that since Russia’s revolution was bourgeois,
the working class must restrict its demands so as to preserve its alliance
with that class. Plekhanov, for example, in his earliest published Marxist
work, wrote that the workers’ party must put forward democratic
demands that do not “scare anybody with the yet remote ‘red
specter.’” Liberals would join forces with the social
democrats, he argued, because “they would cease to meet in
revolutionary publications the assurance that the overthrow of absolutism
would be the signal for the social revolution in Russia.” Hence, for
Plekhanov, the hegemony of the working class could only be secured by it
acting in a “mature” manner, i.e., by suppressing its own
aspirations in the interests of not frightening the bourgeoisie. Plekhanov,
“Socialism and the political struggle,” Selected Philosophical Writings (Moscow:
Progress Publishers, 1974), 101.
65 Donald, Marxism and
Revolution, 39.
66 Ibid., 298–99.
67 Ibid., 168.
68 Lenin, “Preface to the collection Twelve Years,” CW, Vol. 13, 101.
69 Ibid., 102.
70 Ibid., 104.
71 Ibid.
72 Ibid., 107. My emphasis.